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where could priya limited (524580) be headed ✌️【Stock Market】✌️ Professional stock market analysis, real-time data, and expert recommendations for high-potential stocks. Take advantage of market opportunities and improve your capital growth with strategic investment plans. The startling advance ofSyria’sopposition in a week is the unintended consequence of two other conflicts, one near and one far. It leaves several key US allies with a new and largely unknown Islamist-led force, governing swathes of their strategic neighbor – if not most of it, given the pace of events, by the time you read this.

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It has been in the grip of a horrifically brutal dictatorship for decades. Hama, Homs, Damascus – all again in the headlines overnight because of the regime’s swift fall, yet too home to the most heinous parts of its history – respectively the 1982 massacre of 20,000 in Hama, or the 2012 siege and then starvation of Homs, or the gassing with Sarin in Ghouta, near Damascus, of children in basements in 2013. Then there was ISIS from 2014 to 2017. There seemed little more you could subject Syria to, until this week brought it liberation, thus far at an unknown cost, with vast caveats.

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Israel’s brutal yet effective two-month war on Hezbollah probably did not pay much mind to Assad’s fate. But it may have decided it. Likewise, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, 34 months ago, likely considered little how few jets or troops it might leave Moscow to uphold its Middle Eastern allies with. But the war of attrition has left Russia “incapable” of assisting Assad, even President-elect Donald Trump noted on Saturday. And indeed Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov cut a weakened figure this weekend, saying: “What is the forecast? I cannot guess. We are not in the business of guessing.” These are not the words of a steadfast and capable guarantor, rather those of a regional power seeing its spinning plates hit the floor.

Iran has been wildly hamstrung in the past six months, as its war with Israel, usually in the shadows or deniable, evolved into high-stakes and largely ineffective long-range missile attacks. Its main proxy, Hezbollah, was crippled by apager attackon its hierarchy, and then by weeks of vicious airstrikes. Tehran’s pledges of support have done little so far but result in a joint statement with Syria and Iraq on “a need for collective action to confront” the rebels.

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Exactly who Turkey has empowered remains unclear. HTS’s upper echelons, in short, began as al-Qaeda, found ISIS too extreme, and are now trying to suggest they’ve grown up. From Ireland to Afghanistan, the history of this sort of evolution is messy. It’s not always simple for extremists to reform, yet also possible sometimes they can change just about enough. Separately, while Turkey may have lit the touch paper of HTS assaults, the speed of Assad’s collapse may not have been anticipated. There is such a thing as too great a success.

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Obama’s argument was made to a Western audience exhausted by Iraq and Afghanistan, and preoccupied by terrorism. And it marked a form of war-weary isolationism, in which an over-stretched US was reluctant to instigate more change it could not control. Obama ended up funding and arming the Syrian opposition so feebly it was slaughtered and – when its extremists joined up with radicals from Iraq’s long-running insurgency against the US occupation – metastasized into ISIS. That was about the worst possible outcome. The West had played its hand so weakly in one low-grade conflict, it won the four-year industrial-strength horror of a war against the ISIS caliphate.

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